Discussion Post Response 250-300 words

english discussion question and need the explanation and answer to help me learn.

In 250-300 words respond to my peers Discussion Post #8
COLLAPSE
In his article, Robin D. G. Kelley began his article with two quotes which can be summed up by the fact that the police in the United States can be seen as being in favor of the bourgeoisie and totally against people of color, especially black people. After reading these quotes, I had a small idea of what was to follow. Indeed, I guessed that it would be about police brutality, disproportionate penalties, and the many victims of these dishonest acts. When Robin said “the police are the main instrument of state violence” it really caught my attention and helped me realize a lot of things. For example, I started to think that must be the reason the state has never made the effort to end police brutality, it is because they work together to control the marginalized while protecting capital and its owners. It is a system, an endless cycle. The case of the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) using police and private guards to arrest indigenous land defenders also caught my attention; It is always a matter of interest, even if the opponents do their best to make their voices heard passively, the capitalists will always use force and violence to obtain what they want and this always through the police. This is why we have so many requests to defund or abolish the police because they hold too much power over the weak and do not use it honestly. The police are supposed to protect and serve everyone, but not to protect the interests of the bourgeoisie.
Requirements: 250
ÒThe liberal identiÞcation of security with liberty and property in fact masks an underlying insecurity at the heart of thebourgeois orderÑthe insecurity of propertyÑwhich is deeply connected to the question of classÉSecurity is part of therationale for the fabrication of order. In terms of the demand for order in civil society, it is under the banner ofÔsecurityÕ that police most often marches.Ó ÑMark Neocleous, The Fabrication of Social OrderÒPolice function to produce race, a category essential to the workings of the state-market under racial capitalism. Anyanalysis of US policing must consider its constitutive relationship to the racialization of Black and brown subjects, notonly theoretically but also in history, with the US policeÕs structural formation as an antiblack force.Ó ÑMicol Seigel,Violence Work12IN THIS FEATURE!The modern police force in the US was created to protect capital and the owners of capital. As the coercivearm of the state, the police are the primary instruments of state violence, particularly racialized state violence.They function as an occupying force in AmericaÕs impoverished ghettoes, barrios, reservations, on theSouthwest border, and in any territory with high concentrations of subjugated communities. Their defense ofcorporate property and capitalist extraction was clearly on display during the protests against the KeystoneXL and Dakota Access pipelines.The Other BLM (Bureau of Land Management) hired armed officers, employed local police forces, andworked with the FBI to stop what US officials called Òdomestic terrorism.Ó At Standing Rock, North Dakota,the police and private guards used tear gas, batons, attack dogs, water cannons, rubber bullets, bean bagrounds, and mass arrest to attack Indigenous land defenders and water protectors and their alliesÑall in thename of protecting the interests of TC Energy Corporation, Energy Transfer Partners, and their variousCHALLENGING ONE OF THE CORE INSTITUTIONS OF RACIAL CAPITALISMROBIN D.G. KELLEY (HTTPS://SPECTREJOURNAL.COM/AUTHOR/ROBINDGKELLEY/)November 8, 2020Insecure: Policing Under RacialCapitalism(https://spectrejournal.com)Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/1 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
investors. And despite the handwringing and outrage over the Trump administrationÕs flagrant violation ofthe Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 limiting the use of the military in domestic matters, the police have longfunctioned as an army against dissident social movements.The police are the first line of defense against strikes and protests by Black, Brown, Indigenous, antiracist,antifascist, left-wing, queer, and feminist assemblies, while often becoming a cordon to protect Klansman,Nazis, and the Alt Right. For readers of Spectre this is all common knowledge. The idea that the police werecreated to uphold bourgeois class rule and white supremacy has pretty much been accepted wisdom amongvarious Marxists for at least a century. And yet, abolishing the police has only recently become a chief demandamong broad sectors of the Marxist leftÑand even now, it is not universally embraced.34ÒAbolishing the police has only recently become a chief demandamong broad sectors of the Marxist left.We shouldnÕt be surprised since the current push to ÒdefundÓ or abolish the police grew from a decade oforganizing by radical movements that are frequently relegated to the margins of the left or dismissed asÒidentity movementsÓÑnamely, anticarceral feminists, Black, Latinx, and Indigenous radicals, community andyouth-based mobilizations against police violence. Among them are Black Lives Matter, the DreamDefenders, Black Youth Project 100, We Charge Genocide, BOLD (Black Organizing for Leadership andDignity), Million Hoodies Movement for Justice, Dignity and Power Now, EllaÕs Daughters, AssataÕsDaughters, Black Feminist Futures Project, Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, Let Us Breathe Collective, HandsUp United, Lost Voices, Organization for Black Struggle, Millennial Activists UnitedÑorganizations that atsome point fell under the umbrella of the Movement for Black Lives.While the demand for police abolition surfaced in 2014 during the protests in Ferguson, Missouri, in responseto the killing of Michael Brown, it doesnÕt begin there. Critical Resistance issued a statement calling for theabolition of police as early as 2009. Instead of police, the statement asks Òwhat if we got together withmembers of our communities and created systems of support for each other? We are capable of looking afterand caring for one another, providing each other with our basic human needs, creating community self-determination. Relying on and deploying policing denies our ability to do this, to create real safety in ourcommunities.ÓCritical Resistance was part of a wave of radical formations in the 1990s that laid the foundations for thecurrent wave of police and prison abolition: the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, Prison Activist ResourceCenter, the Prison Moratorium Project, Critical Resistance, Labor/Community Strategy Center, Project South,POWER (People Organized to Win Employment Rights), Southerners on New Ground (SONG); INCITE:Women of Color Against Violence, Sista II Sista, the Los Angeles Community Action Network, Black YouthCoalition Against Civil Injustice, Miami Workers Center, the Praxis Project, FIERCE (Fabulous IndependentEducated Radicals for Community Empowerment), Queers for Economic Justice, the Sylvia Rivera LawProject (SRLP), to name a few.That some of these organizations and many of the leading abolitionist thinkers identify as Marxist or Marxist-orientedÑnotably, Angela Davis, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, and Mariame Kaba, among othersÑdoesnÕt seem tomatter. There is a tendency among sectors of the left to treat these movements as narrowly focused on identity,at best, or Òrace reductionist,Ó at worst. According to this logic, the only movements that matter focus onÒuniversalÓ issues of classÑjobs, healthcare, taxes, and the environment.The problem with this argument is that it confuses opposition to institutional oppression and marginalizationwith Òidentity politics.Ó None of these movements are exclusionary. They not only resist racialized andgendered state violence but capitalism itself. Besides, what is more ÒuniversalÓ than a movement dedicated to5678Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/2 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
eradicating all forms of oppression and exploitation; ending state-sanctioned violence; replacing police,military, and prisons with genuine, humane, noncarceral paths for safety and justice?This narrow conception of the US left has largely rendered invisible a Black Marxist critique of state violenceand policing within established socialist and communist movementsÑone exception being the Communistleader William L. PattersonÕs landmark appeal to the United Nations, We Charge Genocide. There has beensurprisingly little discussion of the CPUSAÕs National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, whichgrew out of the campaign to free Angela Davis. Nor has anyone, as far as I know, acknowledged Paul Boutelle(later known as Kwame Somburu) who called for abolishing the police when he was the Trotskyist SocialistWorkers PartyÕs (SWP) vice-presidential candidate in 1968.The Harlem-born Boutelle left school at age sixteen, tired of being indoctrinated with ÒChristianity,Capitalism, and Caucasianism.Ó He drove a taxi for a living and became active in a number of Black nationalistand anti- imperialist organizations during the early Õ60s, including the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and theFreedom Now Party, an all-Black political party that endorsed African American SWP leader Clifton DeBerryfor president in 1964. That year Boutelle ran unsuccessfully for a New York State Senate seat on the FreedomNow Party ticket.He joined Malcolm XÕs short-lived Organization of Afro-American Unity and witnessed his assassination inthe Audubon Ballroom on February 21, 1965. Boutelle immersed himself in SWP politics, running forManhattan Borough president in 1965, state attorney general in 1966, chairing Afro-Americans Against theWar in Vietnam and the Black United Action Front, before his historic vice-presidential bid as Fred HalsteadÕsrunning mate.BoutelleÕs campaign plank in 1968 could be adopted today. In one of his early stump speeches in Philadelphia,he called for free college education and medical care for all, a reduced work week with no correspondingreduction in pay, ending the Vietnam war and reinvesting those resources in Òschools and hospitalsÓ andÒdecent low-rent homes,Ó nationalizing banks and major corporations and placing them Òunder the control ofdemocratically elected workers committees,Ó and the Òabolition of police.Ó The latter, it should be noted, wasnot part of the SWPÕs platform, but Boutelle nevertheless proposed a public safety alternative that wouldentail electing representatives from communities to Òreplace troops and police.ÓFollowing a wave of urban rebellions against police violence during the summer of 1967, Boutelle argued thatthe militarization of police mirrored US counterinsurgency measures abroad. ÒThe capitalist class determinesthe means of the struggle in this country, and their means is violence. They are ready to do anything at all tosuppress the black movementÑhelicopters, armored tanks, chemical warfare, even concentration camps.ÓIn other words, the Black leftÕs protracted struggle to dismantle the US police state has for too long remainedat the margins of Marxist thought and praxis. The problem was highlighted recently in Spectre by Peter Ikelerin his excellent response to Dustin Guastella, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) leader who not onlyopposes defunding the police but affirms their role in ensuring public safetyÑparticularly the safety of peopleof color and the poor.Ikeler demolishes GuastellaÕs arguments, point by point, and his fundamental conclusion repeats what policeand prison abolitionists such as Mariame Kaba, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Angela Davis and, indirectly at least,Paul Boutelle (Kwame Somburu) and others have been saying for decades: ÒTo End Police Violence, EndRacial Capitalism.Ó IkelerÕs piece is compelling and persuasive, but it opens up a larger question: what is therole of police in reproducing racial capitalism? This article is an attempt to offer some schematic answers tothis question, particularly with respect to the function of police in real estate, finance capital, and technology,as generators of revenue, and as Òlabor.Ó910111213Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/3 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
IRuth Wilson Gilmore reminds us that ÒCapitalism [is] never not racial.Ó Capitalism emerged in Europewithin a feudal system already built on racial hierarchy. Capitalism was/is ÒracialÓ not because of someconspiracy to divide workers or justify slavery and dispossession, but because racialism had already permeatedWestern feudal society. Racial capitalism extracts surplus value and structures exchange value by assigningdifferential value to human life and labor: through land enclosure, slavery, dispossession, displacement,predatory lending, taxation, disfranchisement, and the long history of looting through terror and governmentpolicies that suppressed wages of racialized subjects, relieved them of property, excluded Black people frombetter schools and public accommodations, suppressed Black home values, and subsidized white wealthaccumulation.Racial capitalism is dynamic. The last couple of generations have endured a neoliberal variant of racialcapitalism that dismantled the welfare state; promoted capital flight; privatized public schools, hospitals,housing, transit, and other public resources; and resulted in the massive growth of police and prisons. Thesepolicies have produced scarcity, poverty, alternative (illicit) economies regulated through violence, andenvironmental and health hazards.Just as capitalism emerged within the feudal order, so did the police. Capitalists may not have inventedpolice, but they remade police into a tool to secure property, profits, and people who refuse to accept the termsof exploitation. In North America, the precursors to the police were the slave patrolsÑ citizen militiasdeputized by local, state, and federal governments to track down fugitive slaves and put down insurrectionsÑand militias deployed to suppress Native communities.However, the slave patrols were not a police force, per se. They were closer to what Friedrich Engels describedas Òself-acting armed organizations of the population.Ó Using Europe as his guide, Engels recognized thedanger that popular militias pose for the state, especially as the class divide sharpens. Fear of armed rebellioncompelled the state to replace popular militias with units of Òarmed menÓ employed by the state (police andstanding armies) and backed up with Òmaterial adjuncts, prisons, and institutions of coercion of all kinds.ÓIn settler societies like North America, however, race kept these popular militias loyal to the state and itscolonial projects, even as class antagonisms grew. These units were white for a reason. Before the birth of theRepublic, colonial landholders had to manage kidnapped African labor, unruly indentured white labor, andrelations with what were then sovereign and often powerful Indigenous communities. Unable to stop whiteservants and Africans from running away together, finding refuge in swamps, hills, and among Native peoples,the landowning class decided to free white servants and turn them into small property owners, proletariancitizens, and/or slave patrollers invested in the white Republic and the dream of attaining wealth and powerfor themselves.An armed white population was not only central to legitimizing antiBlack and anti-Indigenous violence, but italso shored up white propertyless and working class support for this regime. However, with the growth ofindustrial capitalism and the increase in European immigration during the late nineteenth century, the stateand owners of capital could no longer depend on white workers to support the status quo. Professional policeforces replaced citizen militias.Although by the turn of the twentieth century the state held a monopoly of lethal force and assumed greaterresponsibility for maintaining order, upholding the color line, regulating sexuality, and suppressing dissent,bodies of armed whites continued to exist as adjuncts to racialized state violence. Therefore, it is important tomake a distinction between the police as a formal, modern institution and ÒpolicingÓ as a broader set ofpractices and procedures that operate beyond (but sanctioned by) formal state structures. Historian PeterLinebaugh put it best: ÒInvestigation into the history of police soon finds it to be inseparable from conquest,slavery, debt, industrial discipline, and social hierarchies. Armed settlers, Ôpioneers,Õ militia, army units, slave141516171819Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/4 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
patrollers, Texas rangers, posse comitatus, slave catchers, factory guards, troopers, private security forces,vigilante groups, MPs, lynch mobs, FordÕs Ôservice department,Õ death squads, night riders, and the KKK haveall served police functions.ÓLetÕs take lynch mobs. How do we explain the fact that Congress passed the first antilynching bill in UShistory in 2020? (As of this writing, the bill still has not passed the Senate since it is being held up by SenatorRand Paul of Kentucky.) Since 1882, the nearly two hundred antilynching bills introduced to the USCongress were all defeated. WeÕre inclined to either scratch our heads in befuddlement or blame die-hardracist Southern Senators, but the fact of the matter is that lynching was a form of policing.2021ÒHow do we explain the fact that Congress passed the Þrstantilynching bill in US history in 2020? (As of this writing, thebill still has not passed the Senate.) Since 1882, the nearly twohundred antilynching bills introduced to the US Congress wereall defeated.To call it ÒillegalÓ because it violates oneÕs constitutional right to due process misses the point. Lynch mobswere white; their targets were primarilyÑthough not exclusivelyÑBlack. Lynch mobs were instruments ofstate power that performed a key function by punishing those accused of transgressing law or custom, anddisciplining entire Black communities. A charred, mutilated body hanging from a tree served as a visible andpotent reminder of the price of stepping out of line.Lynching was a form of racial, class, and sexual regulation. Images of predatory Black men circulated widelyin popular culture, and fear of the Black rapist was instilled in white women. Such fear allowed white men todemand subordination, deference, and loyalty from white women in exchange for their Òprotection.Ó Theirduty, after all, was to maintain the purity of the race, so protecting white womanhood also meant protectingthe womb and the bloodline.In this arrangement, any sexual encounter between Black men and ÒvirtuousÓ white women was presumed tobe rape. Consensual relationships between Black men and white women were inconceivable. These ideas werehardly archaic; on the contrary, they were backed by modern science at the time. Daniel G. Brinton,considered the first professor of Anthropology in the US, wrote in his book Races and Peoples (1890), thatwhite women Òhave no more holier duty, no more sacred mission, than that of transmitting in its integrity theheritage of ethnic endowment gained by the race throughout thousands of generations of struggleÉThatphilanthropy is false, that religion is rotten, which would sanction a white woman enduring the embrace of acolored man.ÓThe problem, of course, is that the science was false and the evidence was not there. Only twenty-nine percentof African American lynch victims between 1882 and 1930 were even accused of sexual assault of some kind,and of that figure less than two percent involved a murdered rape victim. Most were lynched for beingÒinsolentÓ toward whites, attempting to vote, engaging in self-defense, petty theft, assault, throwing stones,arson, economic competition, and sedition (political activism). And even cases of alleged rape often maskedconsensual relations between Black men and white women.The failure or refusal of the federal government to protect Black lives and prosecute lynchers proved to be asource of frustration. African Americans had no faith in local law enforcement agencies because they usuallyworked in concert with lynch mobs, or at best were powerless against the crowd. Writer and activist FrancesEllen Watkins Harper expressed the sentiments of many when, in February 1891, she told members of theNational Council of Women, ÒA government which has power to tax a man in peace, [and] draft him in war,should have power to defend his life in the hour of peril.ÓLynch victims tended to be working class; occasionally they were targeted for union activity or Òsedition.Ó But222324Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/5 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
white mobs also murdered Black men of meansÑsuccessful entrepreneurs, landowners, anyone perceived topose an economic threat to whites. The intrepid journalist and activist, Ida B. Wells, wrote about one of thebest known cases of this kind. In 1892, three Black Memphis residents, Thomas Moss, Calvin McDowell, andHenry Stewart, opened the PeopleÕs Grocery Company directly across the street from a white-owned grocerystore, drawing customers and incurring the wrath of the white store owner.When a mob attempted to run the three men out of town, they defended their property through force of arms.Three white men were wounded in the ensuing gun battle, prompting police to arrest Moss, McDowell, andStewart. Then on the night of March 9, a mob stormed the jail, seized the three men, dragged them out to thecountryside, and summarily executed them.The logic of racial capitalism entailed suppressing Black capital accumulation through violence in order tomaintain a white monopoly of capital. The Southern economy under segregation was the antithesis of whatclassical economics imagined to be the free market. In cities and towns where African Americans comprised alarge proportion of the population, the system deliberately and methodically suppressed competition andundercut Black merchants so as to ensure the flow of Black dollars to white coffers without giving Blackconsumers equal service or products, or Black workers equal wages.These ÒprivateÓ white-owned businesses relied on the State to codify and enforce discriminatory practices thatwiped out competition, legalized second-class status, and required inferior service. This was not a free marketbut a racially regulated market, backed by the force of the state and fiscal policies that took Black peoplesÕmoney (from consumer compulsion to wage theft), that proved decisive in reproducing racial and classinequality. When Black people tried to fight back using free market principles of withholding their labor(strike), migrating elsewhere, exercising the right to dispose of their income as they wished, or withholdingtheir collective buying power (boycott), they were met with force and violenceÑsometimes by mobs butoftentimes by the police.IIToday there are still structural barriers to Black wealth accumulation, but the use of state-sanctioned mobviolence targeting wealthy African Americans has all but disappeared. There is no denying that rich Blackpeople and celebrities are occasionally subject to racial profiling and police harassment (often the result ofmistaken identity), but in our so-called post-racial, post-civil rights, multicultural world where the ruling classhas no problem incorporating Black and Brown faces into the existing state apparatus, where Blackbillionaires profit from sweatshop labor and home foreclosures, where a Black president, a Black secretary ofstate, and Black national security advisors advance the US war on the planet, rich Black people are no longerthe targets of state violence. The Black entrepreneurs most likely to experience police violence are streetvendors, evidenced by the killing of Eric Garner who was selling loose cigarettes on the streets of StatenIsland, New York, and Alton Sterling, who sold CDs on the streets of Baton Rouge, Louisiana.These are only the more spectacular cases. The disappearance by death or removal of street vendors is notabout eliminating economic competition but adding value to the land and creating optimal conditions forcapital investment. In a word: gentrification. New York City in the 1990s offers a textbook example of theadvanced role of police in facilitating gentrification. On October 17, 1994, the same year Harlem became anÒempowerment zone,Ó mayor Rudy Giuliani dispatched four hundred officers dressed in riot gear to removethe street vendors on 125 Street.These vendors, who had been selling their wares for at least three decades or more, represented a trulydiasporic entrepreneurial class, with merchants hailing from West Africa and the Caribbean operatingalongside native-born African Americans. Although conflict between ÒlegitimateÓ businesses along 125 and25ththInsecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/6 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
the street vendors had been brewing since the 1970s, it is not an accident that the first military operationsagainst them coincided with initiatives to woo the Gap and Starbucks into opening shop in Harlem.Giuliani and the police prepared the ground for their new residents by stepping up the Òwar on drugs.ÓAlthough much of Harlem had been ravaged by the crack epidemic in the 1980s, the number of drug arrestshad increased significantly over the past five years despite a steady decline in drug use and violent crimes.Undercover officers were everywhere in Harlem, mostly engaged in Òbuy and bustÓ operations in which theyrandomly sought out dealers, made a purchase, and called their Òfield teamÓ to execute the arrest. Their jobwas to essentially round up all the low level dealers, including lookouts or addicts who earned vials of crack bysimply finding customers.The war on drugs was part of a general Òwar on crimeÓ that resulted in an escalation of police activity, arrests,and harassment during the 1980s and Õ90s. The NYPDÕs increasingly aggressive policing in Harlem, as well asthe ÒBlackerÓ parts of Brooklyn, Queens, the Bronx, and Staten Island, mirrored the prevailing trend duringthe 1980sÑbroken windows policing. First elaborated in a 1982 essay by George L. Kelling and James Q.Wilson, Òbroken windowsÓ theory placed the blame for urban decay on the social values and behaviors of poor,primarily Black people.As the argument goes, criminals flourish in deteriorating, disorderly neighborhoods, and disrespect for oneÕscommunity leads to disrespect for authority and the law. As long as ghetto residents lacked concern for thecondition of their neighborhoods, crime would run rampant. Small infractions are just a gateway to violentcrime. In short, by completely ignoring the structural factors that suppressed home values, perpetuated healthand environmental catastrophes, divested neighborhoods of essential services, jobs, government programs, aswell as legal protections, the theory can blame culture and immorality for crime, which in turn explainspoverty. All of these initiatives were part of a general clearing of the land.Meanwhile, upwardly mobile familiesÑmany white but also Black and BrownÑbegan buying up inexpensive,dilapidated Harlem brownstones, and large chains such as the Gap, Starbucks, and H&M began moving ontothe historic 125 Street corridor. These multinationals prepared to take advantage of cheap labor as well asthe burgeoning consumer base. The state directly supported the corporate invasion with a $100 millionempowerment zone grant and $250 million in tax credits, rather than invest in the wellbeing of workingpeople and the poor in Harlem. Whether intended or not, the Upper Manhattan Empowerment Zoneorientation toward corporate developers and global chains, in combination with rising rents and a decline inpedestrian traffic due to the removal of vendors on 125 Street, has led to the destruction of localbusinesses.More recently, the attorneys for Breonna Taylor, the Black woman killed on March 13, 2020, by LouisvilleMetro Police (LMPD) officers during a no-knock raid of her home, have uncovered evidence linking her deathto gentrification. Although evidence is still coming to light, here is what we know. The officers who shot Taylorwere part of the Place Based Investigations (PBI) unit. The city established PBI in 2019 reportedly to focus onÒhot spotsÓ with high incidence of crimeÑpart of the trend toward Òpredictive policingÓ I discuss below.But the territories given priority tended to coincide with areas targeted for aggressive redevelopment, such asthe Russell neighborhood, an historic Black community in West Louisville. This included a portion of ElliotAvenue saddled with a number of abandoned and dilapidated properties. In a three-week span early in 2020,the city demolished least eight homes on Elliot Avenue. Mayor Greg FischerÕs Vacant and AbandonedProperties Team and the Office of Community Development worked closely with PBI to step up arrests onElliot Avenue.In December 2019, a PBI unit within the LMPD obtained a warrant to arrest Jamarcus Glover on drugcharges at a small house he rented at 2424 Elliot Avenue. Glover, it turns out, was Breonna TaylorÕs ex-boyfriend. The police claim he was receiving packages at TaylorÕs apartment on Springfield Drive, some tenmiles south of GloverÕs house, but the postal service could not confirm this.262728thth2930Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/7 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
Either way, their past relationship drew Taylor within the PBI dragnet to clear Elliot Avenue, which explainswhy an African American EMT worker with no prior arrest or suspicion of criminal activity could become thetarget of a no-knock raid by members of the PBI unit. Taylor was a casualty in the war to remove one of theÒprimary roadblocksÓ to development. The operation nevertheless achieved its objective. On June 5, whatwould have been Breonna TaylorÕs twenty-seventh birthday, Louisville and Jefferson County LandbankAuthority purchased the house at 2424 Elliot Avenue for $1, though its fair market value was listed at $17,160. It is slated for demolition.IIIReal estate and corporate interests rely on police to secure that most insecure thingÑproperty. And beginningin the 1970s, cities increasingly turned to police to generate revenue. The global slump of the early 1970s,federal budget cuts to states and cities, mass unemployment, the tax revolt organized by homeowners, as wellas the perpetual corporate tax, left municipalities with massive revenue shortfalls. Civil asset forfeiture isone direct, albeit small, source of funds.The Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970 allowed law enforcement agencies toseize drugs and equipment from suspected dealers, which eventually extended to cash and property fromsuspects even before a conviction. Civil asset forfeiture, in the strictest terms, violates the right to privateproperty. Fees and fines are a far more significant source of municipal revenue. But just as police target poorpeople of color in order to enhance land value for real estate interests, much of the revenue from fees and finesis extracted from poor Black and Brown communities. In other words, in both instances the criminalization ofBlack and Brown bodies is a fundamental feature of their operations.The criminalization of Blackness, like that of the Òillegal alien,Ó means being subjected to state regulation,containment, discipline, and punishment, while not being worthy of protection. As we learned in theaftermath of Mike BrownÕs murder in Ferguson, Black people in St. Louis (the city and the county) wereaggressively ticketed and fined for noise ordinance violations (e.g., playing loud music), fare-hopping on St.LouisÕs light rail system, uncut grass or unkempt property, trespassing, Òmanner of walking,Ó wearing Òsaggypants,Ó minor traffic violations, having an expired driverÕs license or registration even when theyÕre notoperating a vehicle, and Òdisturbing the peace.ÓAccording to data collected from the Ferguson Police Department between 2012 and 2014, African Americansaccounted for 85 percent of vehicle stops, 90 percent of citations, and 93 percent of arrests, despite making uponly 67 percent of the municipalityÕs population. And yet, vehicle stops involving white drivers are far morelikely to yield contraband than those involving African Americans. The proliferation of small municipalitiesin North St. Louis means that a Black driver can be ticketed by different officers passing through differentjurisdiction, all on the same trip. If these fines or tickets are not paid, the court will issue arrest warrants,which may result in jail time or paying an inordinate sum to a bail bondsman, losing oneÕs car or otherproperty, or losing oneÕs children to social services.31323334ÒSummons and warrants are used as a kind of racial tax, anextraction of surplus directly by the state without producinganything besides discipline and terror and the reproduction of thestate; in a word, revenue by primitive accumulation.Summons and warrants are used as a kind of racial tax, an extraction of surplus directly by the state withoutproducing anything besides discipline and terror and the reproduction of the state; in a word, revenue byInsecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/8 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
primitive accumulation. In 2013, FergusonÕs municipal court issued nearly 33,000 arrest warrants to apopulation of just over 21,000, generating about $2.6 million dollars in income for the municipality. Thatsame year, the St. Louis County and City municipal courts acquired more than $61 million in fines and fees.Where is the money coming from? Mostly from municipalities where, on average, 62 percent of the residentswere Black and 22 percent lived below the poverty line. Elected officials, city bureaucrats and lawenforcement worked tirelessly to squeeze as much money from poor vulnerable communities as possible. Justconsider this passage from the US Department of Justice investigation into the Ferguson police department:City and police leadership pressure officers to write citations, independent of any public safety need,and rely on citation productivity to fund the City budget. In an email from March 2010, the FinanceDirector wrote to Chief [Thomas] Jackson that Òunless ticket writing ramps up significantly before theend of the year, it will be hard to significantly raise collections next year. What are your thoughts? Giventhat we are looking at a substantial sales tax shortfall, itÕs not an insignificant issue.Ó Chief Jacksonresponded that the City would see an increase in fines once more officers were hired and that he couldtarget the $1.5 million forecast. Significantly, Chief Jackson stated that he was also Òlooking at differentshift schedules which will place more officers on the street, which in turn will increase trafficenforcement per shift.ÓJacksonÕs assertion that expanding the police force will increase its revenue-producing capacity speaks toanother, countervailing issue. The revenue police generate for city budgets is radically offset by the cost ofpolicing, especially as departments and their budgets have grown exponentially over the past half century. Thenational cost of policing, adjusted for inflation, has ballooned from $29.3 billion in 1972 to $84.1 billion in2012 to about $115 billion in 2017. In the largest cities, police departments receive anywhere between 20 and45 percent of general discretionary funds.Cities have also been saddled with the skyrocketing costs of settling police misconduct cases. During the fiscalyear 2016-2017 alone, New York City paid a staggering $335 million dollars for police misconduct lawsuits.Chicago had to pay out $100 million in 2018 alone, and between 2005 and 2018, similar settlements costLos Angeles $880 million. Police union contracts shield individual officers from personal liability in theseinstances, even if the officer in question violates a victimÕs constitutional rights. As a consequence, citygovernmentsÑwhich is to say, taxpayersÑhave to foot the bill for settling these cases. Since the costs farexceed municipal budgets, cities and counties are forced to borrow.Enter Wall Street. Municipal governments issue bonds to cover settlement costs, which are managed by WallStreet firms and turned into profitable sources of investment. These neoliberal financial instruments that shiftthe cost of police misconduct to the public have been dubbed Òpolice brutality bonds.Ó Banks such as WellsFargo, Goldman Sachs, and Bank of America, as well as smaller regional banks and other firms, collect fees fortheir services, and investors earn interest, which in turn increases the real costs of the settlements, asignificant proportion of which go to banks and investors.For example, in Chicago between 2010 and 2017, bond borrowing to pay out police misconduct casesamounted to $709.3 million. The city paid investors one billion dollars in interest, costing taxpayers awhopping $1.71 billion dollars. In Los Angeles between 2008 and 2017, police brutality bonds amounted to$71.4 million plus an additional $18 million in interest paid, fleecing taxpayers to the tune of $89.4 million.During the same period, the city of Cleveland borrowed $12.9 million to cover their settlements, but theinterest paid out exceeded $7 million dollars, leaving taxpayers with a bill for $20.3 million. Police brutalitybonds are yet another example of racial capitalismÕs extractive policies, transferring wealth from over-policedcommunities to Wall Street. The New York Stock ExchangeÕs decision to suspend trading for eight minutesand 46 seconds to honor George Floyd during his funeral marked a level of hypocrisy bordering on theabsurd.35363738394041Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/9 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
The failure to change police practice and use-of-force policy cannot be attributed simply to the opportunism offinance capital or blamed entirely on the power of police unions to push through qualified immunity clauses.The price of police violence may be high for the people who have to pay it, but the police donÕt work for Òthepeople.Ó They work for capital, and one of their primary tasks is to provide security for an insecure system.Government and corporations have a vested interest in the police as an instrument of coercion, a terrifyingexpression of absolute power. Micol Seigel perceptively calls this Òviolence work.ÓPolice violence is a fundamental feature of state and corporate power and white supremacy. Privatecorporations, in particular, have demonstrated their commitment to a robust, militarized police force byinvesting in police capital improvement bonds, public debt securities issued to finance equipment purchases,and capital improvements to police properties. Corporations as well as some universities have also donatedgenerously to private police foundations. The national Police Foundation was established in 1970, financed bythe Ford Foundation, largely in response to the mass rebellions in AmericaÕs ghettoes during the late 1960s. Itsstated objective was to advance Òthe science of policing and new ideas, strategies, and technologies to improvethe quality of police services; and in maximizing public trust, accountability, and police legitimacy.ÓOver time, local police foundations became conduits for corporations to contribute financially to police,influence policy, and introduce hardware and technologies in which they may have a vested interest. Amazon,Bank of America, Starbucks, Google, Microsoft, and Target are just a few of the police foundationsÕ biggestcorporate donors. The Philadelphia Police FoundationÕs corporate backers include Brandywine Realty Trustas well as Temple University and the University of Pennsylvania.Police foundations enable departments to purchase equipment (such as surveillance technology, guns, ballistichelmets, and drones) and directly assist officers with bonuses or legal fees, with no oversight or public input.The Atlanta Police Foundation helped fund a significant overhaul of the departmentÕs surveillance capacity bypurchasing over 12,000 cameras. Just this year, the foundation spent $2 million issuing $500 bonuses toAtlanta police officers after a Òhigher than usualÓ number called in ÒsickÓ to protest the district attorneyÕsdecision to charge officer Garrett Rolfe in the fatal shooting of unarmed Rayshard Brooks.When we talk about Òdefunding the police,Ó it is important to recognize the significant role police foundationsplay in securing additional funds that donÕt appear as line items in city budgets.IVWhile police foundations have become funders and advocates for embattled police departments, they continueto function as a private research and development arm for law enforcement, especially in the area oftechnologies of surveillance, data mining and management, and the growing field of Òpredictive policing.Ó Fordonors, the purpose of R&D is investment; they are not performing a public service.PolicingÕs focus on technologies of surveillance and what law enforcement scholars euphemistically call Òdatainformed strategies and evidence-based policingÓ is as old as policing itself. Capitalism and surveillance gohand-in-hand. In the eighteenth century, Samuel Bentham set out to break British shipbuilders of theircustomary practice of taking excess pieces of wood home with them. So he figured out a way to watch everycorner of the dockyards. His brother ran with the idea and invented the panopticon. Simone Browne, in herbrilliant treatise on surveillance and Blackness, put the matter quite plainly: ÒSurveillance is nothing new toBlack folks. It is the fact of Blackness.ÓWhen computer generated databases became essential tools of policing in the 1960s and 1970s, urbanrebellions and police concentration in poor, Black communities drove the collection and interpretation ofdata. So it is no surprise that ostensibly ÒneutralÓ technology reinforced, if not accelerated, thecriminalization of Black and Brown communities. In Los Angeles, for example, the Street Terrorism4243444546474849Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/10 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
Enforcement Prevention Act (1988) allowed police to add the names of youth to a comprehensive gangdatabase, even if they had not been charged with a crime. The databaseÑbasically a massive list of Black andBrown youthÑwas then used as a sentence enhancement for those who were later convicted of a felony.In 2007, the Los Angeles Police Foundation received a $200,000 donation from Target that helped the LAPDpurchase the latest surveillance software from a fairly new Silicon Valley start-up called PalantirTechnologies. Founded in 2004 by Alexander Karp and Peter ThielÑTrump loyalist and founder ofPayPalÑthe data mining firm was launched with seed money from the CIAÕs venture capital firm, In-Q-Tel.They tout the powers of their predictive software for anticipating earthquakes and fighting COVID-19, butsecurity has been their main focus.One of its biggest clients, Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE), relied on Palantir to conduct massraids and deportation operations. In 2009, powered by Palantir, the LAPD launched Operation LASER, orLos Angeles Strategic Extraction and Restoration. With assistance from UCLA anthropologist JeffreyBrantingham, Operation LASER maintained an ongoing list of community residents to monitor by creatingÒChronic Offender BulletinsÓ for so-called persons of interest. Like other predictive policing systems,Operation LASER relies on whatÕs called automated risk assessments to determine a personÕs likelihood ofcommitting a crime.The software aggregates massive amounts of data to determine the risk profile of neighborhoods in order toconcentrate police surveillance, or the risk profile of individuals who are being released on parole. Theproblem is that the algorithm identifies the very Òhot spotsÓ that were already targeted for criminal behaviorand thus register high numbers of arrests. The result is an algorithm designed to racially profile.Indeed, studies show what most of us can predictÑpredictive policing reinforces existing racist biases andoverwhelmingly targets poor Black and Brown communities. Historical crime data does not predict futurecriminal activity; rather, it predicts future policingÑleading to the continued over-policing of vulnerablecommunities. And this kind of data mining also draws people into its vast web of criminalization simplybecause they are acquainted with or related to a suspect. This is precisely how LouisvilleÕs crack PBI unitended up at Breonna TaylorÕs apartment.VFinally, are police workers? In the strictest sense, yes. Police work for wages; they do not own means ofproduction; the labor force is hierarchically organized and managed by supervisors. And yet, although copstechnically are not managers, Brian Bean sees their relationship to the working class as analogous to amanagerial class because Òthe entirety of their job is to manage and discipline workersÉ[T]heir socialrelationship and function is solely as a repressive apparatus against the working class. Their interestsÑnot asindividuals, but as a social stratumÐare never genuinely aligned with working class interests.ÓOf course, as weÕve seen above, police work entails more than managing and disciplining workers, but BeanÕspoint is well taken. The fundamental question is this: how does their relationship to racial capitalism and thestate shape their relationship to other workers? Here again, I invoke Micol SeigelÕs notion of Òviolence work.ÓPolice are Òviolence workersÓ and thus fall within a larger category of laborers in the military, private security,corrections, and the like. Police Òare the human-scale expression of the state,Ó and as such realize the coerciveforce of the state.The US was founded as a settler-colonial state, and it remains at its core a settler-colonial state. Therefore,police are not only employed to discipline ÒworkersÓ but to manage subject populations. They are also workersbut differently situated from white workersÑmost obviously through spatial and residential segregation.(Colonial management, after all, depends on the ability to control territory. When Black residents describe5051525354555657Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/11 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
their neighborhoods as Òoccupied,Ó it also signals a level of enclosure which is a feature of coloniality.)European settlers of North America had a century and a half to hone its colonial management strategiesbefore the birth of the white republic, but as the US expanded its imperial footprint, the Philippines, Haiti,Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico became laboratories for learning how to police its domestic subjectpopulationsÑnamely, Black, Brown, and Indigenous communities. By the mid-twentieth century, the USmilitary sharpened its counter-insurgency operations in Korea, the Congo, Indonesia, and Vietnam andapplied those lessons to American ghettoes. But the very insurgencies the state looked to counter exposedAmericaÕs liberal conceits as the worldÕs greatest democracy.During the Cold War, domestic pressures from antiracist and radical movements, international pressure fromnewly decolonized countries and the socialist bloc, and the spread of American military forces around theworld in the name of democracy, forced US officials to attend to its racism problem. Appeals to the UnitedNations by the National Negro Congress, the NAACP, W. E. B. Du Bois, and the Civil Rights Congress forcedPresident Harry Truman and his administration to push for liberal (and limited) criminal justice reform. As aresult, police departments were pressed to hire more Black officers. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamaraupped the ante when he introduced ÒProject Transition,Ó a program designed to hire Black Vietnam warveterans as police officers.5859ÒThe incorporation of Black and Brown cops does not change thecharacter or structure of policing. Colonial rule has alwaysrelied on Indigenous and other racially subject groups toadminister and police the colonized or working people.The incorporation of Black and Brown cops does not change the character or structure of policing. Colonialrule has always relied on Indigenous and other racially subject groups to administer and police the colonizedor working people. But does their differential relationship to racial capitalism, the communities they arecharged to police, and the juridical structures intended to discipline them as violence workers affect theirconsciousness or the kinds of organizations they form to protect their interests? Marxist criminologist GerdaRay observed over four decades ago that although police are more inclined to ally with Òthe ruling class againstthe working class,Ó she argued that their fidelity Òto their repressive function is not a given, but must becontinually reproduced through the way in which the job is structured and the rewards available for loyalservice.ÓIndeed, the current orientation of police unions was not a given but the product of a century of struggle andnegotiation and restructuring of the job itself. The Boston Police Strike of 1919, for example, was a genuinefight to win union recognition, a living wage, and humane working conditions. Boston patrolmen at the timeearned an equivalent of $23,000 a year in 2020 dollars, worked on average between 75 and 87 hours perweek, had to purchase their own equipment, and were forced to live in an unsanitary station house.The strike was violently suppressed, the striking officers replaced, and the unionÑan American Federation ofLabor (AFL) affiliateÑwas broken. Calvin Coolidge, then Governor of Massachusetts who used the statemilitia to maintain order, made a statement that would come to epitomize the police as the Òhuman-scaleexpressionÓ of state power: ÒThere is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere,anytime.Ó When police tried to unionize again during the CIO union drives of the 1930s and 1940s, they metsimilar opposition and the same arguments.A 1946 opinion piece by the editorial board of the L.A. Times called for the abolition of the LAPDÕs union,which won recognition three years earlier: ÒThe police force is in effect a military force, which must obey thelawful orders of superiors without hesitation or reservation and must not have any divided allegiance.Ó MayorFletcher Bowron concurred, arguing that police unions Òimpair the freedom and independence necessary for6061Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/12 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
the full and proper preservation of peace at all times in controversies between employers and employees or injurisdictional strikes between different labor unions.ÓUnionization was slow, but that doesnÕt mean police were unorganized. On the contrary, officers wereencouraged to join the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) which preceded the AFLÕs attempts to organize cops.The FOP is not a union. It lobbied for increases in police budgets, promoted departmental loyalty and morale,and Òreinforced racist and anti-working class law enforcement practices.Ó Groups such as the New YorkPolice Benevolent Association (NYPBA) and the Los Angeles Police Protective League, which function asunions, are direct descendants of the FOP.But by the late 1960s and early 1970s, the situation began to change. First, Black police officers organized theirown protective leagues in response to the urban insurrections, racist police violence, workplacediscrimination, and corruption. Black police groups such as the Guardians in New York, Connecticut, andPittsburgh, Officers for Justice in San Francisco, the Black Police Officers Association in Oakland, and theAfro-American PatrolmenÕs League in Chicago and Atlanta, understood ÒprotectiveÓ to refer to Blackcommunities rather than their own jobs.The best known and perhaps most radical was the Afro-American PatrolmenÕs League (AAPL), founded in1968 by three young officers, Renault Robinson, Edward ÒBuzzÓ Palmer, and Frank Lee. They were noabolitionists; they first came together to complain about the excessive discipline meted out to Black officersfor using the kind of violence on white youths usually reserved for Black people. But over time, they developeda transformative vision of policing as an antiracist model of public safety aimed at eliminating police violenceand finding effective strategies of stopping street violence and crime.AAPL President, Renault Robinson, wrote a weekly column for the Chicago Defender called ÒBlack Watch.Ó Hequoted Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X. He supported the Black Panther Party and called for Òthe redistributionof the nationÕs wealth.Ó He compared the Chicago Police DepartmentÕs presence in Black communities tothat of overseers or colonizers. He did not subscribe to the Òbad appleÓ theory or consider police violence to bean aberration.ÒAll of these abuses,Ó he wrote,are not accidents or errors or simply acts of individual malice. They flow from the policemenÕs role asagents of an absentee white citizenry, which owns all the property in the Black community and/or havea stake in the political and economic status quo and who are, therefore, continually demanding of thepolice that they prove their responsibility to and representation of the white power structure by thenumber of insults, assaults, arrests and kills, perpetrated against the Black community.The AAPL received wide support from Black Chicagoans. The CPD and the Mayor Daley machine investedalmost as much energy waging war on the League as they did on the Black Panther Party. Members facedrepression and reprisals, including suspensions, docked pay, threats of termination, and a viciousmisinformation campaign. The AAPL filed suits against the CPD and persuaded the federal government toinvestigate the departmentÕs record of discrimination and police misconduct. By the early 1980s, the AAPLbegan to decline, along with other progressive Black police organizations.While a handful of Black officers attempted to do the impossibleÑreform the policeÑmost departments andpolice organizations responded with unsparing racism, reaction, and defensiveness. Their resentment of BlackofficersÑas critics and fellow employeesÑwas further exacerbated by a major crisis in policing. First, theglobal slump and fiscal crisis in the early 1970s resulted in wage freezes, layoffs, and budget cuts affectingmost urban police departments. Suddenly, police who had been trained to break strikes found themselves on apicket line.Second, many police unions and patrolmenÕs leagues appealed to racism and blamed African Americans for62636465Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/13 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
stealing their jobs, not the global economy or the Nixon administration. In Detroit, white officers protestedwhat they considered Òreverse discrimination.Ó Third, Òviolence workÓ actually increased in this periodÑperhaps we might call it a speed-up. Crime rates did rise but the cause of the speed-up was the ideologicaland legislative push to lock up more people.The violence work of mass incarceration is not simply a matter of the introduction of more draconianlegislation or sentencing mandates but requires the extractive work of producing prisoners. The strike wave ofthe 1970s, the escalation of protests, a general distrust of cops, urban decline caused by capital flight, whiteflight, a growing illicit drug trade, reductions in city services, not to mention municipal budget cuts whichbegan the process of turning police into generators of revenueÑall contributed to a general speed-up andgrowing malaise surrounding police work.Rather than build unity with Black and Brown officers and fight for better pay, better working conditions, jobsecurity, and safer communities, the police unions exploited white fearÑcommunity fears of crime (Blackness)and copsÕ fear of replacement. The NYPBA refused to support other municipal workers fighting againstreductions in their pensions. It spent two years and lots of money fighting a legal and electoral struggle toabolish the civilian review board.Police unions devoted more time supporting conservative mayors, monitoring and opposing liberal judges,lobbying for increases in state-of-the-art weaponry, and backing state-wide campaigns to restore the deathpenalty. Meanwhile, antidiscrimination laws were gutted, reported hate crimes increased, and a wave ofpolice and vigilante killings struck Black communities with the force of a cluster bomb. The decade openedwith police brutality emerging as a central political issue, resulting in a massive urban insurrection in LibertyCity, Florida, in May of 1980.666768ÒRacial capitalism will not dismantle itself. It requires a labormovement, a peopleÕs movement dedicated to ending Òthe war onBlack people.ÓState-sanctioned racist violence went hand in hand with an ideological assault on the legitimacy of thecritique of racism itself. During the Reagan years, new right-wing think tanks such as the Institute of Justiceand the Campaign for a Color-Blind America invoked the rhetoric of color-blindness and opportunity tojustify dismantling antiracist programs. Colorblind discourse also prepared the way for Òbroken windowsÓpolicing, which has contributed to mass incarceration and set the stage for the war on drugs.Today, the role of police unions is to protect cops from liability in doing Òviolence workÓ on behalf of racialcapitalism. Union contracts often include provisions that would disqualify misconduct complaints; grantofficers a waiting period before being interrogated after an incident; place limits on officer interrogations orprovide information ahead of time that would allow the officer to Òmatch their sworn statements withavailable evidence;Ó require cities to cover costs related to police misconduct (not just settlement costs butlegal fees and paid leave while under investigation); and removing past misconduct investigations from anofficerÕs file.These are just a few examples of how police unions reproduce injustice, shield the police from accountability,and undergird structural racism. Writer and Portland-based activist, Shamus Cooke, put it best:The police are independent agents, much more likely to smash a picket line than join it. As the labormovement becomes increasingly militantÑusing civil disobedience and other tacticsÑitÕs the policewho will be called by employers and local governments. The police will Òprotect and serveÓ employersagainst their workers and especially, growing social movements. If the labor movement believes thatBlack Lives matter they cannot simultaneously believe that the police are members of their labor family.69Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/14 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
And if the labor movement continues its trajectory of adopting more militant tacticsÑand it must tosurviveÑ it will increasingly fall into direct combat with the riot police.Racial capitalism will not dismantle itself. It requires a labor movement, a peopleÕs movement dedicated toending Òthe war on Black people.Ó This is how the Movement for Black Lives formulated its abolitionistvision. Ending Òthe war on Black peopleÓÑhere and abroadÑwould not only reduce our vulnerability topoverty, prison, and premature death but also generate a peace dividend of billions of dollars to invest ineducation, universal healthcare, housing, living wage jobs, restorative justice, food justice, and green energy.Ending the war on Black people means ending the police as we know it. There is no justification for defendingpolice unions since they are company unions. Their job has not changed, and it will not change: to providesecurity for the reproduction of racial capitalism, leaving the rest of us profoundly insecure.707172NOTES & REFERENCES1. Mark Neocleous, The Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power (London:Pluto Press, 2000), 44.2. Micol Seigel, Violence Work: State Power and the Limits of Police (Durham: Duke UniversityPress, 2018), 21.3. Sam Levin and Will Parish, ÒKeystone XL: Police Discussed Stopping Anti-pipeline Activists ÔByAny Means,ÕÓ Guardian, November 26, 2019; Sam Levin and Nicky Woolf, ÒDakota AccessPipeline: Police Fire Rubber Bullets and Mace at Activists During Water Protest,Ó Guardian,November 3, 2016.4. For some excellent examples of historical accounts of police as an instrument of capitalism andproperty, see Peter Linebaugh, ÒPolice and the Wealth of Nations: DŽjˆ Vu or UnfinishedBusiness?Ó Counterpunch, July 3, 2020; Brian Bean, ÒThe Socialist Case Against the Police: Part1- Origins and Function,Ó Rampant, March 11, 2020; Brian Bean, ÒAbolish the Police: Part 2 ofThe Socialist Case Against the Police,Ó Rampant, March 31, 2020; Sidney L. Harring, Policing aClass Society: The Experience of American Cities, 1865Ð1915, rev. ed. (Chicago: Haymarket Books,2017); Kristian Williams, Our Enemies in Blue: Police and Power in America (Boston: South EndPress, 2007); David Whitehouse, ÒOrigins of the Police,Ó Libcom, December 24, 2014; ShamusCooke, ÒThe Capitalist Limits of Police Reform,Ó Counterpunch, June 12, 2020.5. Garrett Felber, ÒThe Struggle to Abolish the Police is Not New,Ó The Boston Review, June 9, 2020.6. During the Ferguson uprising, I met with several members of Hands Up United, Lost Voices,Organization for Black Struggle, Millennial Activists United, and other local organizers affiliatedwith the DonÕt Shoot Coalition, who were proposing a police abolition agenda long before it waspopular. Two years later, the booklet A World Without Police, with an accompanying website,http://aworldwithoutpolice.org/the-problem/ was published. See also Peter Gelderloos, ÒA WorldWithout Police,Ó Counterpunch, December 29, 2014; Peter Gelderloos, ÒThe Nature of the Police,the Role of the Left,Ó Counterpunch, December 9, 2014.7. ÒCritical Resistance on Policing,Ó Critical Resistance (2009), http://criticalresistance.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/CR-statement-abolition-of-policing-2009.pdf. For examples ofmovement work toward creating police-free zones, see also Rachel Herzing, ÒBig Dreams andBold Steps Toward a Police-Free Future,Ó Who Do You Serve, Who Do You Protect? Police ViolenceInsecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/15 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
and Resistance in the United States. Maya Schenwar, Joe MacarŽ and Alana Yu-lan Price, eds.(Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2016), 111-18.8. Richard Rorty, Achieving Our Country: Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 80. Mark Lilla, the most recent proponentof this view, wrote: ÒBlack Lives Matter is a textbook example of how not to build solidarityÉ .The movementÕs decision to use this mistreatment to build a general indictment of Americansociety, and its law enforcement institutions, and to use Mau-Mau tactics to put down dissentand demand a confession of sins and public penitenceÉplayed into the hands of the Republicanright. Mark Lilla, The Once and Future Liberal, 129.9. William L. Patterson, ed., We Charge Genocide: The Historic Petition to the United Nations forRelief from a Crime of the United States Government Against the Negro People (New York: CivilRights Congress, 1951). For an excellent examination of the marginalization of Black Marxistsand the consequences of American antiradicalism, see Charisse Burden-StellyÕs forthcoming, TheRadical Horizon of Black Betrayal: Anticommunism and Racial Capitalism in the United States,1917Ð1954.10. Dianne Feeley, ÒKwame M. A. Somburu (1934- 2016),Ó Solidarity, July 21, 2016; Sam Roberts,ÒKwame Somburu, Perennial Socialist Candidate, Dies at 81,Ó New York Times, May 11, 2016; M.Millard ÒVote to retain JROTC split along racial lines.Ó Sun Reporter, June 29, 1995; ÒSocialistsTap Paul Boutelle,Ó New York Amsterdam News, September 24, 1966; E. James West, ÒPaulBoutelleÕs 1968 Vice-Presidential Campaign,Ó Black Perspectives, November 18, 2019. Boutellespent the rest of his life as a socialist and anti-imperialist fighting for Black liberation. Heeventually changed his name to Kwame Montsho Ajamu Somburu and in 1983 he broke from theSWP and helped found Socialist Action and, later, the Socialist Workers Organization. In 1973,he moved to California, became a school teacher and continued to organize and run for electiveoffice. He chaired the US defense committee for jailed South African activist Dr. NevilleAlexander, chaired the Committee of Black Americans for Truth About the Middle East in 1970,and remained active in support of Palestine liberation until his death in 2016. Before he died, hehad begun work on a book entitled Slavery, Oppression, and Rebellion: from 10,000 BCE to thePresent.11. Lawrence H. Geller, ÒSocialist V-P Candidate Would Abolish the Police,Ó Philadelphia Tribune,January 30, 1968.12. Peter Ikeler, ÒTo End Police Violence, End Racial Capitalism,Ó Spectre, July 20, 2020. GuastellaÕspiece appeared as, ÒTo End Police Violence Fund Public Goods and Raise Wages,Ó Nonsite.org,July 9, 2020. Obviously, Guastella does not represent the official DSA position. Haley Pessin, amember of the Afrosocialist and Socialists of Color Caucus within the DSA published a brilliantessay in support of abolition and recognizing the revolutionary potential of the ÒBlack SpringÓrebellions in the aftermath of George FloydÕs murder. Haley Pessin, ÒThe Movement for BlackLives is Different this Time.Ó13. See for example, Angela DavisÕ Are Prisons Obsolete (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2003); RuthWilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in GlobalizingCalifornia (Oakland: University of California Press, 2007), Mariame Kaba, ÒYes, We MeanLiterally Abolish the Police,Ó New York Times, June 12, 2020.14. Ruth Wilson Gilmore, ÒAbolition Geography and the Problem of Innocence,Ó Futures of BlackInsecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/16 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
Radicalism, Gaye Theresa Johnson and Alex Lubin, eds. (New York: Verso Books, 2017), 225.15. On racial capitalism, see for example Cedric Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the BlackRadical Tradition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000); Gargi Bhattacharyya,Rethinking Racial Capitalism: Questions of Reproduction and Survival (London and New York:Rowman & Littlefield International, 2018); Charisse Burden-Stelly, ÒModern US RacialCapitalism: Some Theoretical Insights,Ó Monthly Review, July 1, 2020; Jodi Melamed, ÒRacialCapitalism,Ó Critical Ethnic Studies 1, no. 1 (Spring 2015): 76-85; Laura Pulido, ÒFlint,Environmental Racism, and Racial Capitalism,Ó Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 27, no. 3 (2016):1Ð16; Nancy Leong, ÒRacial Capitalism,Ó Harvard Law Review 126, no. 8 (June 2013): 2151-226 ;Robert Nichols, Theft Is Property! Dispossession and Critical Theory (Durham: Duke UniversityPress, 2020); Peter James Hudson, Bankers and Empire: How Wall Street Colonized theCaribbean (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017); Michael Dawson, ÒHidden in PlainSight: A Note on Legitimation Crises and the Racial Order,Ó Critical Historical Studies 3, no. 1(2016): 143Ð61; Nancy Fraser, ÒExpropriation and Exploitation in Racialized Capitalism,Ó CriticalHistorical Studies 3, no. 1 (2016): 163Ð78. And for a critique of the concept of racial capitalism,see Michael Ralph and Maya Singhal, ÒRacial Capitalism,Ó Theory and Society 48, no. 6 (2019):851.16. Police in Europe date back at least to the fifteenth century. Mark Neocleous, The Fabrication ofSocial Order, 1-5.17. From V. I. Lenin, ÒThe State and Revolution.Ó Lenin is quoting Engels from the sixth edition ofhis The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884), https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/index.htm.18. David Roediger, How Race Survived US History: From Settlement and Slavery to the Eclipse ofPostracialism (New York: Verso Books, 2019), chapters 1, 2.19. Nikhil Pal Singh, Race and AmericaÕs Long War (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017),35-47.20. Peter Linebaugh, ÒPolice and Plunder,Ó Counterpunch, February 13, 2015.21. H. R. 35, ÒEmmett Till Antilynching Act.Ó (1884), https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/index.htm.22. Daniel G. Brinton, Races and Peoples: Lectures on the Science of Ethnography (New York: Hodges,1890), 287, quoted in Lee D. Baker, From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction ofRace, 1896-1954 (Los Angeles and Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 36. In an ironictwist, in the final years of his life (he died in 1899) Brinton declared himself an anarchist,although it appears his attraction to workers revolution did not affect his views on race.23. Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings,1882-1930 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 47-48.24. Harper, quoted in Bert James Loewenberg and Ruth Bogin, eds., Black Women in NineteenthCentury American Life: Their Words, Their Thoughts, Their Feelings (University Park:Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010), 247.25. Alfred M. Duster, ed., Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 2013, [1970]), 47-52.26. Mamadou Chinyelu, Harlem AinÕt Nothing But a Third World Country (New York: Mustard SeedPress, 1999) 75-78; Bryant Rollins, ÒWhere IÕm Coming From: Police vs. the 125th StreetInsecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/17 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
Merchants,Ó New York Amsterdam News, March 3, 1972; Yusef Salaam, Ò125th Street MerchantsProtests GiulianiÕs Slow Vendor Removal,Ó New York Amsterdam News, October 1, 1994.27. In the late 1990s, I served on a special grand jury for narcotics and witnessed as, case after case,involved low level drug arrests in the same Harlem neighborhoods. I taught at New YorkUniversity at the time, where Washington Square Park, across the street from my office, was ahub of drug sales. And yet, of the hundreds of cases that came before the grand jury that period,only one arrest occurred downtown.28. George L. Kelling and James Q. Wilson, ÒBroken Windows: The Police and NeighborhoodSafety,Ó The Atlantic, March 1982.29. Kirk Johnson, ÒUneasy Renaissance on HarlemÕs Street of Dreams,Ó New York Times, March 1,1998; Gary Younge, ÒHarlemÑThe New Theme Park,Ó The Guardian, Oct 14, 2000; AntonioOlivo, ÒAs Clinton Moves in, Harlem Rents Go UP,Ó Chicago Sun-Times, July 22, 2001.30. It should be noted that the section of Elliot Avenue targeted by PBI stands about ten blocksoutside of the space identified in the Vision Russell Development Plan. This is not to say that theVision Russell project, which has received over $30 million dollars in grants from theDepartment of Urban and Housing Development to revitalize (and gentrify), does not benefitfrom the clearing of Elliot Avenue.31. Sam Aguiar and Lonita Baker, ÒSubstituted First Amended Complaint: Tamika Palmer, asAdministratrix of the Estate of Breonna Taylor v. Brett Hankison and Myles Cosgrove andJonathan Mattingly (Plaintiff),Ó Case No. 20-Ci-002694 Jefferson Circuit Court Division, July 5,2020; Phillip M. Bailey and Tessa Duvall, ÒBreonna Taylor Warrant Connected to LouisvilleGentrification Plan, Lawyers Say,Ó Louisville Courier Journal, July 5, 2020; Igor Derysh,ÒBreonna Taylor Lawsuit Claims No-knock Warrant was Part of Louisville Gentrification Plan,ÓSalon, July 6, 2020; Natalia Martinez, ÒNew Documents Confirm City was Working with LMPDon Elliott Project Avenue,Ó Wave3News, July 14, 2020.32. See David McNally, Global Slump: The Economics and Politics of Crisis and Resistance (Oakland,CA: PM Press, 2011).33. United States Department of Justice. The Ferguson Report: The Department of JusticeInvestigation of the Ferguson, Police Department (March 4, 2015), https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/opa/press-releases/attachments/2015/03/04/ferguson_police_department_report.pdf, 4.34. Thomas Harvey, John McAnnar, Michael-John Voss, Megan Conn, Sean Janda, and SophiaKeske, ArchCity Defenders: Municipal Courts White Paper (2014),https://www.archcitydefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/ArchCity-Defenders-Municipal-Courts-Whitepaper.pdf.35. Erika Hellerstein, ÒÕItÕs Racist as HellÕ: Inside St. Louis CountyÕs Predatory Night Court,ÓThinkprogress.org, April 10, 2015; ÒBetter Together: Public Safety Ð Municipal CourtsÓ (October,2014), https://www.heartland.org/_template-assets/documents/publications/bt-municipal-courts-report-full-report1.pdf.36. United States Department of Justice. The Ferguson Report, 10.37. Tony Platt, Beyond these Walls: Rethinking Crime and Punishment in the United States (NewYork: St. MartinÕs Press, 2018), 282; Polly Mosendz and Jameelah D. Robinson, ÒWhile CrimeFell, the Cost of Cops Soared,Ó Bloomberg News, June 4, 2020; Kate Hamaji, Kumar Rao, MarbreInsecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/18 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
Stahly-Butts, JanaŽ Bonsu, Charlene Carruthers, Roselyn Berry, and Denzel McCampbell,Freedom to Thrive: Reimagining Safety and Security in Our Communities (Center for PopularDemocracy, 2017).38. Graham Rayman and Clayton Guse, ÒNYC Spent $230M on NYPD Settlements Last Year:Report,Ó New York Daily News, April 15, 2019.39. Vaidya Gullapalli, ÒSpending Billions on Policing, Then Millions on Police Misconduct,Ó TheAppeal, August 2, 2019; Emily Alpert Reyes and Ben Welsh, ÒL.A. is Slammed With Record Costsfor Legal Payouts,Ó Los Angeles Times, June 27, 2018; see also Eleanor Lumsden, ÒHow Much isPolice Brutality Costing America?Ó University of HawaiÕi Law Review 40, no. 1 (2017): 142-202.40. Alyxandra Goodwin, Whitney Shepard, and Carrie Sloan, Police Brutality Bonds: How Wall StreetProfits from Police Violence (Chicago: Action Center on Race & the Economy, 2018), 4.41. John McCrank, ÒNYSE Holds Nearly Nine-Minute Silence in Honor of George Floyd,Ó Reuters,June 9, 2020.42. Micol Seigel, Violence Work.43. Quoted from their website, https://www.policefoundation.org/about-the-police-foundation/history/.44. Ali Winston and Darwin Bond Graham, ÒPrivate Donors Supply Spy Gear to Cops,Ó Pro Publica,October 13, 2014; Kari Paul, ÒHow Target, Google, Bank of America and Microsoft Quietly FundPolice through Private Donations,Ó Guardian, June 18, 2020.45. Philadelphia Police Foundation corporate backers included Donald Shaw, cofounder ofgovernment transparency website, Sludge Media. ÒPolice Foundations Scrub Corporate Partnersand Board Members From Their Websites,Ó Sludge, June 30, 2020.46. Greg Norman, ÒFormer Atlanta Officer Facing Rayshard Brooks Murder Charge Gets $250,000Legal-fee Boost,Ó Fox News, June 18, 2020.47. Peter Linebaugh, The London Hanged: Crime and Civil Society in the 18th Century (New York:Verso, 2003), 371-3.48. Simone Browne, Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness (Durham: Duke UniversityPress, 2015), 10.49. During the early 1970s, the LAPD had already begun using computer programs and databasesand related technologies in law enforcement. Max Felker-Kantor, Policing Los Angeles: Race,Resistance, and the Rise of the LAPD (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018),56-57.50. Ibid., 206; Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition inGlobalizing California (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 2007), 107.51. Winston and Bond Graham, ÒPrivate Donors.Ó52. Caroline Haskins, ÒRevealed: This Is PalantirÕs Top-Secret User Manual for Cops,Ó Vice, July 12,2020; John T. Reinert, ÒIn-Q-Tel: The Central Intelligence Agency as Venture Capitalist,ÓNorthwestern Journal of International Law & Business 33, no. 3 (Spring 2013): 677-709.53. Edward Ongweso Jr., ÒPalantirÕs CEO Finally Admits to Helping ICE Deport UndocumentedImmigrants,Ó Vice January 24, 2020.54. The Stop LAPD Spying Coalition, Before the Bullet Hits the Body: Dismantling PredictivePolicing in L.A. (Report, May 8, 2018), 6-19; Maha Ahmed, ÒAided by Palantir, The LAPD UsesPredictive Policing to Monitor Specific People and Neighborhoods,Ó The Intercept, May 11, 2018.Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/19 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
Palantir pioneered its predictive policing technology in New Orleans, but secretly through aprivate philanthropic entity created by Mayor Mitch Landrieu called NOLA For Life program.City council members were unaware of that the NOLA police department were using Palantir.The intermediary who brought Palantir to Mayor Landrieu was none other than DemocraticParty operative James Carville. Ali Winston, ÒPalantir Has Secretly Been Using New Orleans toTest Its Predictive Policing Technology,Ó The Verge, February 27, 2018.55. Kristian Lum, ÒPredictive Policing Reinforces Police Bias,Ó Human Rights Data Analysis Group,October 10, 2016; Kristian Lum and William Isaacs, ÒTo Predict and Serve?ÓSignificancemagazine.com, October 2016, 15-19.56. Brian Bean, ÒAbolish the Police: Part 2 of The Socialist Case Against the Police,Ó Rampant. FredMason, Jr., an African American veteran of the US labor movement and former president of theMaryland and District of Columbia federation of the AFL-CIO, said much the same thing in arecent opinion piece for the labor journal International Union Rights: ÒPolice and policeorganizations are not the creations of workers, brought about by workersÕ struggles. They werecreated by bosses to thwart the advance of workersÕ struggles.Ó ÒPolice Unions and Race,ÓInternational Union Rights 24, no. 2 (2017): 8.57. Seigel, Violence Work, p. 9.58. Alfred McCoy, Policing AmericaÕs Empire: The United States, the Philippines, and the Rise of theSurveillance State (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), 17; see also, Nikhil Pal Singh,Race and AmericaÕs Long War, 208. See also Stuart Schrader, Badges Without Borders: HowGlobal Counterinsurgency Transformed American Policing (Oakland: University of CaliforniaPress, 2019); Michael G. Hanchard, The Spectre of Race: How Discrimination Haunts WesternDemocracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018), 116; Tracy Tullis, ÒA Vietnam at Home:Policing the Ghetto in the Era of CounterinsurgencyÓ (PhD diss. New York University, 1998).59. Schrader, Badges without Borders, 30-34.60. Gerda Ray, ÒPolice Militancy,Ó Crime and Social Justice 7 (Spring-Summer, 1977): 40.61. Joseph Slater, Public Workers: Government Employee Unions, the Law, and the State, 1900-1962(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), 13-38; Richard L. Lyons, ÒThe Boston Police Strike of1919,Ó New England Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1947): 147-68.62. ÒAbolish the Police Union Now!Ó Los Angeles Times March 8, 1946, A4.63. Ray, ÒPolice Militancy,Ó 42.64. Beryl Satter, ÒCops, Gangs, and Revolutionaries: What Black Police Can Tell Us about Power,ÓJournal of Urban History 42, no. 6 (2016): 1117-20.65. Satter, ÒCops, Gangs, and Revolutionaries in 1960s Chicago,Ó 1110-34; Simon Balto, OccupiedTerritory: Policing Black Chicago from Red Summer to Black Power (Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 2019), 241-2; Tera Agyepong, ÒIn the Belly of the Beast: Black PolicemenCombat Police Brutality in Chicago, 1968Ð1983,Ó Journal of African American History 98, no. 2(Spring 2013): 253-76.66. Dennis A. Deslippe, ÒÕDo Whites Have Rights?Õ: White Detroit Policemen and ÔReverseDiscriminationÕ Protests in the 1970s,Ó Journal of American History 91, no. 3 (December 2004):932-60.67. Ray, ÒPolice Militancy,Ó 44.68. Manning Marable, How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America (Chicago: Haymarket Books,Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/20 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM
2015 reprint ed. [1983]); Gerald Gill, Meanness Mania: The Changed Mood (Washington, D.C.:Howard University Press, 1980).69. Shamus Cooke, ÒPolice Unions vs. Black Lives,Ó Counterpunch, October 6, 2017.70. Ibid.71. The Movement for Black Lives.72. Amanda Teuscher, ÒThe Inclusive Strength of #BlackLivesMatter,Ó American Prospect, August 2,2015.SHARE!””#ROBIN D.G. KELLEY (HTTPS://SPECTREJOURNAL.COM/AUTHOR/ROBINDGKELLEY/)Robin D.G. Kelley is the Gary B. Nash Professor of American History at UCLA and the author ofmany pathbreaking books including Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During theGreat Depression, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics and the Black Working Class, and FreedomDreams: The Black Radical Imagination. Robin Kelley has also written extensively on jazz andsurrealism and has been in the forefront of academic solidarity with Palestine.Insecure: Policing Under Racial Capitalism Ð Spectre Journalhttps://spectrejournal.com/insecure-policing-under-racial-capitalism/21 of 222/27/21, 10:31 AM

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